Setu aman tri articl an hini gentan a so embannet barz "Ouest-france" ac a gomz diwar abeg Materazzi a Zidane, ar scrivagnier ne scriv quet "Tels étaient les propos tenus par monsieur Zidane.." med "Tels étaient les propos tenus par Zidane..". A hed an oll articl scrivet gan "Ouest-France" ne vez quet cavet memes eur wech ar gair "monsier" dirac anoiou tud evel "Marco Materazzi, Zinedine Zidane,José Mourinho".
An eil articl ameux tennet eus an office a scriv dirac an anoiou tud ar berradur evid "autrou pe itron" evel se a gavomp: "...ao.Gilbert Nigen...ao.Philippe Guillermot... an it.Jeannnine Guyomarch..."
Troet ameux artic an office e gallec evid sellout petra a ro . N'ouzon quet perac an office a laqua "Itron pe Autrou " dirac anoyau an dud evel ma vijomp an amzair ar Rhohaned ac an Noblans? Martese tud an office o deus aoun ne vije quet graet eur hemm etre ar merhed ar ar wazed setu perac o deus diviset laqua dirac an anoyau "it" evid eur verc'h ac "ao" evid eur gwaz??
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vtlzaJ01qmQ&feature=player_embedded
Je demande pardon au football, aux supporters, à l'équipe... Après le match, je suis entré dans le vestiaire et je leur ai dit : 'Pardonnez-moi. Cela ne change rien mais je vous demande pardon'. Mais à lui je ne peux pas. Jamais, jamais... Ce serait me déshonorer... Je préfère mourir ». Tels étaient les propos tenus par Zinedine Zidane en mars dernier, en évoquant Marco Materazzi, à qui il avait administré un coup de tête en finale du Mondial 2006.
Si l’on en croit le quotidien espagnol Marca, l’ancien maître à jouer des Bleus a revu son jugement.
La scène se passe dans l’hôtel du Real Madrid, en marge de leur confrontation avec le Milan AC, mercredi. Marco materazzi, défenseur de l’Inter de Milan est venu saluer son ancien entraîneur José Mourinho. Il est alors tombé nez à nez avec Zizou, qui fait désormais partie du staff technique du Real.
Les deux hommes se seraient toisés un petit moment avant de se saluer. Ils auraient ensuite eu une petite conversation, avant de se faire une accolade. L’histoire ne dit donc pas s’ils se sont réconciliés, mais ça pourrait y ressembler…
Ur bern tud a oa deuet evit sinadur ar garta Ya d’ar brezhoneg d’ar Gwener 5 a viz Du 2010 gant an ao. Gilbert Nigen, maer, dirak an ao. Philippe Guillermot, kuzulier-kêr, an it. Jeannine Guyomarch, eilmaerez, an ao Louis Rouzic, maer a enor, an ao. Richard Ferrand, besprezidant ar C’huzul-departamant ha Kuzulier-rannvro, an ao. Christian Troadeg, maer Karaez ha prezidant Kumuniezh-kumunioù ar Poc’hêr hag an ao. Erwan ar C’hoadig, eus Ajañs diorren Ofis Publik ar Brezhoneg.
Un tas de gens étaient venu pour signer la carte Oui au breton le vendredi 5 du mois Noir 2010 avec le monsieur Gilbert Nigen, maire, devant le monsieur Philippe Guillermot, conseiller-ville, la madame Jeannine Guyomarch, seconde maire, le monsieur Louis Rouzic, maire d'honneur, le monsieur Richard Ferrand, bespresident du Conseil-département et conseiller régional, le monsieur Christian Troadeg, maire de Carrai et président de la commune des communes du Pohair et le monsieur Erwan le C'hoadig de l'agence de développement de l'office publique du breton.
mercredi 10 novembre 2010
mercredi 18 août 2010
On Motorcycle, European Pilgrims Race Toward God
Porcaro Journal
On Motorcycle, European Pilgrims Race Toward God
Cyril Folliot/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The festival of the Madonna of the Bikers attracted nearly 10,000 motorcyclists from across Europe last weekend to the soggy wheat fields of Porcaro.
By SCOTT SAYARE
Published: August 17, 2010
PORCARO, France — The inhabitants of Brittany, on Europe’s rain-soaked western edge, are said to love the church as much as they love a party. Which perhaps makes this tiny Breton village a less improbable locale for the wholly improbable happening it hosts each year.
The New York Times
Porcaro proudly calls itself the “French bikers’ capital.”
Enlarge This Image
A biker praying at an open-air chapel in Porcaro, France. The annual festival includes two Masses and a blessing of the bikes.
The festival of the Madonna of the Bikers, which organizers promote as the largest motorcycle “pilgrimage” in France — there are few aspirants to the title — attracted nearly 10,000 motorcyclists from across Europe last weekend to the soggy wheat fields of Porcaro, population 650. It was an unlikely mix of what Roman Catholic Bretons call the “sacred and profane”; many came to pray, many to carouse, a surprising number to do both.
There were priests and incense and holy water and much solemnity and prayer, but also AC/DC and studded leather, body piercings and tattoos and, beginning well before noon and lasting well into the night, the consumption of prodigious quantities of alcohol.
“No one should leave here without having gotten what he really wanted out of it,” intoned the Rev. Jean-François Audrain, presiding over an open-air Sunday Mass. Draped in white gilded vestments, he addressed a crowd of thousands of bikers and local faithful, gathered in a rolling field behind Porcaro’s 19th-century stone church. Later, he joined four fellow priests in sprinkling holy water on thousands of rumbling Harleys, Hondas, Ducatis and Kawasakis, filing past one by one.
Held here annually on the occasion of the Assumption, the Catholic celebration of the Virgin Mary’s ascent to heaven, the Madonna of the Bikers is meant as a religious gathering open to all comers, organizers say, and an opportunity for the church to penetrate the biker flock. The program features two Masses, the blessing of the bikes, and a 45-mile “pilgrimage” ride through the fields and dark forests of central Brittany, in addition to several non-denominational rock concerts and ample supplies of beer and wine.
Begun in 1979 by a local abbot as a pilgrimage ride for himself and 37 friends, the event has since grown into a sprawling festival — this year the concerts, held in a field outside town, lasted until 4 a.m. Sunday — and what is viewed by many as one of France’s premier motorcycle events, religious or otherwise.
Unlike Lourdes and other better known French pilgrimage sites, Porcaro draws a sizable contingent of nonbelievers, a phenomenon perhaps all the more surprising given the widespread distrust of organized religion in France, where the separation of church and state is codified in an almost religious brand of secularism. Brittany, though, has long enjoyed a less standoffish relationship to Christianity than has much of the rest of France, and Catholicism is viewed by many here simply as part of the region’s social fabric.
“I’m not so into the church,” said a biker who called himself Snake. (He brushed off a visitor’s request for his full name, explaining, “Everyone knows me, in any case.”) Still, he tried to have his bike blessed last year, he said, but the attending priest balked at the “666” etched on it, with its Satanist overtones.
Others said they had come to Porcaro for a spiritual experience.
Pascal Letartre, 60, had come from Chartres, he said, “to say a prayer for our fallen fellow bikers.” This was the second year he and his wife, Bernadette, had come to Porcaro, though last year, she chimed in with a laugh, “It was to drink!”
Porcaro has come to define itself by the festival — the town calls itself the “French bikers’ capital” — and residents say they actually enjoy the characters it draws. The gathering is largely financed by souvenir sales overseen by a local association and staffed almost exclusively by volunteers from the village and the surrounding communities. Many homeowners allow bikers to pitch tents on their lawns during the festival.
The two-day event injects about $500,000 into the local economy each year, said Porcaro’s mayor, Pierre Hamery. Last weekend, much of that sum appeared to be destined for Porcaro’s two bars, the village’s only commercial establishments.
“The Madonna brings in all our profits for the year,” said Marine Perrichot, 18, whose mother owns and operates the bar Le Wheeling (“The Wheelie,” in French). This year, the bar stayed open all night Saturday and on into Sunday.
“There are never too many problems,” Ms. Perrichot said, recalling with a laugh when a gentleman rode his motorcycle into the ground-level barroom several years ago. “We can’t complain,” she said. “They’re all adorable.”
Despite all the imbibing, the gathering in Porcaro began as and remains a religious event, with the backing of the Catholic Church.
“The essential thing for me, as a priest — as a biker-priest — is to show this community that God is close to them,” said Father Audrain, who rides a BMW F 800 ST and has helped coordinate the Madonna of the Bikers since 2007. “My work, in the first place, is about making God seem all right, and making the church seem all right.”
“It’s tricky,” he noted.
The brand of Catholicism embraced by the Bretons is well suited to the hard-living motorcycle world, said Father Audrain. Drawing on the traditions of the hedonistic Celts who once inhabited the region, Breton Catholicism holds that all human activity, with the exception of sin, is in the service of God, he said.
“Partying doesn’t bother me,” said Father Audrain, a slim, athletic man with an endearing lisp, and no teetotaler himself. Still, he acknowledged, as much as the partying might draw nonbelieving bikers here, it also keeps a fair number from the Mass on the event’s second morning.
“There aren’t so many of them that show up,” he said, “because they have to sober up from the night before.”
As Father Audrain conducted his service Sunday morning, Lenaïck Flamant hurried toward a nearby coffee stand.
“It was hard this morning,” admitted Ms. Flamant, 47, dressed in heavy black and white leather. She had gone to sleep at 4 or 5, she said, but awoke at 9, to be sure to have her Yamaha blessed. She had brushed her teeth, and was confident the priests would smell no liquor on her breath.
“I took a breathalyzer before I got on my bike,” she said. “It was close, but I made it.”
A version of this article appeared in print on August 18, 2010, on page A4 of the New York edition.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/18/world/europe/18motorcycle.html?emc=tnt&tntemail0=y
On Motorcycle, European Pilgrims Race Toward God
Cyril Folliot/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The festival of the Madonna of the Bikers attracted nearly 10,000 motorcyclists from across Europe last weekend to the soggy wheat fields of Porcaro.
By SCOTT SAYARE
Published: August 17, 2010
PORCARO, France — The inhabitants of Brittany, on Europe’s rain-soaked western edge, are said to love the church as much as they love a party. Which perhaps makes this tiny Breton village a less improbable locale for the wholly improbable happening it hosts each year.
The New York Times
Porcaro proudly calls itself the “French bikers’ capital.”
Enlarge This Image
A biker praying at an open-air chapel in Porcaro, France. The annual festival includes two Masses and a blessing of the bikes.
The festival of the Madonna of the Bikers, which organizers promote as the largest motorcycle “pilgrimage” in France — there are few aspirants to the title — attracted nearly 10,000 motorcyclists from across Europe last weekend to the soggy wheat fields of Porcaro, population 650. It was an unlikely mix of what Roman Catholic Bretons call the “sacred and profane”; many came to pray, many to carouse, a surprising number to do both.
There were priests and incense and holy water and much solemnity and prayer, but also AC/DC and studded leather, body piercings and tattoos and, beginning well before noon and lasting well into the night, the consumption of prodigious quantities of alcohol.
“No one should leave here without having gotten what he really wanted out of it,” intoned the Rev. Jean-François Audrain, presiding over an open-air Sunday Mass. Draped in white gilded vestments, he addressed a crowd of thousands of bikers and local faithful, gathered in a rolling field behind Porcaro’s 19th-century stone church. Later, he joined four fellow priests in sprinkling holy water on thousands of rumbling Harleys, Hondas, Ducatis and Kawasakis, filing past one by one.
Held here annually on the occasion of the Assumption, the Catholic celebration of the Virgin Mary’s ascent to heaven, the Madonna of the Bikers is meant as a religious gathering open to all comers, organizers say, and an opportunity for the church to penetrate the biker flock. The program features two Masses, the blessing of the bikes, and a 45-mile “pilgrimage” ride through the fields and dark forests of central Brittany, in addition to several non-denominational rock concerts and ample supplies of beer and wine.
Begun in 1979 by a local abbot as a pilgrimage ride for himself and 37 friends, the event has since grown into a sprawling festival — this year the concerts, held in a field outside town, lasted until 4 a.m. Sunday — and what is viewed by many as one of France’s premier motorcycle events, religious or otherwise.
Unlike Lourdes and other better known French pilgrimage sites, Porcaro draws a sizable contingent of nonbelievers, a phenomenon perhaps all the more surprising given the widespread distrust of organized religion in France, where the separation of church and state is codified in an almost religious brand of secularism. Brittany, though, has long enjoyed a less standoffish relationship to Christianity than has much of the rest of France, and Catholicism is viewed by many here simply as part of the region’s social fabric.
“I’m not so into the church,” said a biker who called himself Snake. (He brushed off a visitor’s request for his full name, explaining, “Everyone knows me, in any case.”) Still, he tried to have his bike blessed last year, he said, but the attending priest balked at the “666” etched on it, with its Satanist overtones.
Others said they had come to Porcaro for a spiritual experience.
Pascal Letartre, 60, had come from Chartres, he said, “to say a prayer for our fallen fellow bikers.” This was the second year he and his wife, Bernadette, had come to Porcaro, though last year, she chimed in with a laugh, “It was to drink!”
Porcaro has come to define itself by the festival — the town calls itself the “French bikers’ capital” — and residents say they actually enjoy the characters it draws. The gathering is largely financed by souvenir sales overseen by a local association and staffed almost exclusively by volunteers from the village and the surrounding communities. Many homeowners allow bikers to pitch tents on their lawns during the festival.
The two-day event injects about $500,000 into the local economy each year, said Porcaro’s mayor, Pierre Hamery. Last weekend, much of that sum appeared to be destined for Porcaro’s two bars, the village’s only commercial establishments.
“The Madonna brings in all our profits for the year,” said Marine Perrichot, 18, whose mother owns and operates the bar Le Wheeling (“The Wheelie,” in French). This year, the bar stayed open all night Saturday and on into Sunday.
“There are never too many problems,” Ms. Perrichot said, recalling with a laugh when a gentleman rode his motorcycle into the ground-level barroom several years ago. “We can’t complain,” she said. “They’re all adorable.”
Despite all the imbibing, the gathering in Porcaro began as and remains a religious event, with the backing of the Catholic Church.
“The essential thing for me, as a priest — as a biker-priest — is to show this community that God is close to them,” said Father Audrain, who rides a BMW F 800 ST and has helped coordinate the Madonna of the Bikers since 2007. “My work, in the first place, is about making God seem all right, and making the church seem all right.”
“It’s tricky,” he noted.
The brand of Catholicism embraced by the Bretons is well suited to the hard-living motorcycle world, said Father Audrain. Drawing on the traditions of the hedonistic Celts who once inhabited the region, Breton Catholicism holds that all human activity, with the exception of sin, is in the service of God, he said.
“Partying doesn’t bother me,” said Father Audrain, a slim, athletic man with an endearing lisp, and no teetotaler himself. Still, he acknowledged, as much as the partying might draw nonbelieving bikers here, it also keeps a fair number from the Mass on the event’s second morning.
“There aren’t so many of them that show up,” he said, “because they have to sober up from the night before.”
As Father Audrain conducted his service Sunday morning, Lenaïck Flamant hurried toward a nearby coffee stand.
“It was hard this morning,” admitted Ms. Flamant, 47, dressed in heavy black and white leather. She had gone to sleep at 4 or 5, she said, but awoke at 9, to be sure to have her Yamaha blessed. She had brushed her teeth, and was confident the priests would smell no liquor on her breath.
“I took a breathalyzer before I got on my bike,” she said. “It was close, but I made it.”
A version of this article appeared in print on August 18, 2010, on page A4 of the New York edition.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/18/world/europe/18motorcycle.html?emc=tnt&tntemail0=y
mardi 9 mars 2010
Shopping for HB-Henriot products in Quimper
Memo From Quimper
Absorbing the Blows That Buffet Europe
William Daniels for The New York Times
The French government helped save HB-Henriot, the leading artisanal producer of faience — hand-painted glazed earthenware — and its 54 jobs.
By STEVEN ERLANGER
Published: March 7, 2010
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William Daniels for The New York Times
Shopping for HB-Henriot products in Quimper. The company was saved by a rescue package.
The New York Times
Quimper's success has made France look wise to many.
The salting of the River Odet has rendered local clay unusable, because the salt causes the earthenware to crack in the kilns. But the company remains, having absorbed a rival in 1968, as one of two faïenceries in the region, and holds a plaque from the government as an “enterprise du patrimoine vivant” — a company of the living heritage of France.
That designation brings HB-Henriot no money, said its director general, Michel Merle, and it has been hit hard by Asian competition, a weak dollar and the economic crisis in its main export markets in the United States and Japan.
Still, the French government stepped up early, helping to save the company and its 54 jobs, Mr. Merle said. Paris accelerated payments and tax reimbursements to small and medium-size companies; it deferred tax payments and accepted deductions immediately, auditing them later; it gave subsidies equal to almost a month’s salary per worker so firms could reduce labor costs and inventory without losing employees. And Paris provided some credit guarantees, so that shell-shocked banks were more willing to make loans to small companies like this one.
HB-Henriot is a prime example of how France is not only weathering the economic storm, but has emerged as one of the most stable economies in Europe, the first to pull out of recession and with unexpectedly large growth in the last quarter of 2009, while the German recovery stalled.
France moved early. It concentrated on saving companies and jobs, sometimes to the annoyance of its European Union partners; emphasized investment in job-creating infrastructure; propped up its banks and pressed them to lend; and decided to let its budget deficit expand further for a few years, but in moderation.
As Greece struggles to avoid default or bailout, Spain and Portugal watch anxiously, Sweden falls back into recession, Germany argues about historically high budget deficits and Britain grapples with deficits and debt of Greek proportions while France looks both solid and even wise.
But France was also lucky, neither as export-oriented as Germany nor as go-go as Britain and the United States. Alexandre Delaigue, an economist with a popular blog, éconoclaste, said simply: “France was hit less because its real estate was less important than Ireland and Spain, its finance less important than the U.K., and it was less exposed to Eastern Europe than Germany.”
France’s recession was not nearly as deep as Germany’s, let alone that of the United States. Growth for this year is forecast to be positive but modest at about 1.2 percent, about the same as in Germany, compared with 0.7 percent for Europe as a whole and with 2.2 percent in the United States. But French banks are in better condition than those in Germany, and France is far less dependent than Germany on finding markets for manufactured and luxury goods.
French policy is far from perfect, with unemployment increasing, especially among youth, along with the budget deficit and the already high national debt, issues that will outlast the crisis. The government now promises to cut growth in total public spending to less than 1 percent a year from 2011 and get the deficit to 3 percent of gross domestic product by 2013, although its growth forecasts seem too high and tax increases may be necessary, despite steady denials.
But in general the verdict is positive for President Nicolas Sarkozy and his government, which moved quickly to recognize a crisis and exercise state powers.
“France resisted the crisis better than most of her European partners and got out of recession first,” said Prime Minister François Fillon.
Mr. Fillon, Patrick Devedjian, the minister in charge of implementing the recovery plan, and Christine Lagarde, the minister of economic affairs, industry and employment, are given a lot of the credit.
In an interview, Ms. Lagarde said: “I think we’ve done relatively and reasonably well. We applied the three ‘t’s’: timely, temporary and targeted.” France decided to put half its package into investment and half into stimulus, she said, concentrating on small and medium enterprises, since they are “more agile” and represent 95 percent of the two million registered French companies.
A key decision, she said, was to accelerate state payments. “We swamped companies with cash, with whatever was due them, because we knew the cash and credit situations were difficult,” she said. Credit insurance was extended to exporters, a government agency guaranteed loans and shared them with banks, and the government created a sovereign fund to invest in companies.
Mr. Sarkozy created a “credit mediator” to intervene between companies and banks upon appeal and push the banks to reconsider, a process Ms. Lagarde said worked in 65 percent of cases, involving 16,000 companies and 150,000 jobs.
A year ago, he had announced a $34 billion stimulus plan over two years that propped up the car industry and went to infrastructure projects. Then in December, he announced a $52 billion investment package, called “the Big Loan,” supposedly aimed at the future, to put money into universities, renewable energy and electric cars. More than 60 percent of the money will be borrowed by the government, and the rest is supposed to come from bank repayments of capital the state pushed on them a year ago.
Jacques Mistral, an economist at the French Institute for International Relations, said that “what Sarkozy did for the recovery has been pretty well designed and managed — he had a good early view of the seriousness of the crisis, earlier than most of his counterparts.” Mr. Sarkozy was quick with a stimulus package, but modest with it, too, given the already large French debt.
But for some critics, the French success is hardly surprising, and has more to do with the structure of the economy than with government policy. The size of the state sector — the sheer number of state employees, protected in their jobs and salaries — went some way to cushion the recession and keep up consumption. About a quarter of the labor force works for government, and more than half of gross domestic product is due to stems from state spending, including pensions and health care.
The main reason France did well was that its economy was “neither virtuous nor vicious,” said Daniel Cohen, professor of economics at the École Normale Supérieure. France was never as virtuous as Germany with its competitive, export-driven economy, which suffered badly when consumption dropped worldwide. In fact, France has long been losing market share in world trade.
“France was not dependent on a bubble of credit like the British or on a bubble of housing like the Spanish or on both of them together, like the Americans,” Mr. Cohen said. “So we suffered less than the others.”
Economists worry about cumulative French debt, nearing $2 trillion, and rising fast as a percentage of gross domestic product. G.D.P. It has gone from 22 percent of G.D.P. in 1981, when François Mitterrand took power, to 63.8 percent in 2007, when Mr. Sarkozy took over. Insee, the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies, projects it could reach 81.5 percent in 2012.
But what really sets France apart is the size of its high debt combined with high levels of public spending, with the government deficit in 2010 expected to be 8.2 percent of G.D.P. Mr. Delaigue says that given the crisis, “it would be suicidal now to try to balance the budget. For the time being, there is no other way than debt.”
But the economists point out that both Mr. Sarkozy and his predecessor, Jacques Chirac, men of the right, have for years been cutting taxes while increasing government spending, which is why the budget deficit rose so quickly, even before the crisis.
The stimulus program is only a small part of the projected budget deficit, Mr. Cohen said. Nearly half represents structural deficit, given tax cuts and increased social spending on an aging population, with a generous pension system that Mr. Sarkozy and Mr. Fillon say must be reformed. Over the last 10 years, income from taxes has fallen $80 billion a year, representing a third of next year’s deficit.
“After the crisis there will have to be a moment of truth on how much structural deficit you can live with,” Mr. Cohen said. “The government is saying, ‘No tax increase,’ but how long will this last?”
As for HB-Henriot, with a new owner and new American distributor, it is trying to raise exports from 10 percent of its business to 30 percent, through ties to specialty stores like Pierre Deux.
“We’re an artisanal product in a niche market,” said Mr. Merle, the director general. “We try to develop a market of the ‘coup de coeur,’ where the heart speaks before the wallet.”
But the company will only survive if exports reach 50 percent of sales, he said. So its representatives are traveling to trade fairs in the United States, with French government advice and aid for travel, and it is also exploring collaboration with larger chains with online catalogs, like Williams-Sonoma in the United States.
“You have to go and get your clients,” Mr. Merle said. “It’s necessary to be there, to occupy the terrain.”
Otherwise despite all the state aid, and all the rhetoric about national identity and patrimony from French politicians, HB-Henriot too, like the auto companies, will have to consider outsourcing French jobs to compete with cheap Asian imports.
Nadim Audi contributed reporting.
Absorbing the Blows That Buffet Europe
William Daniels for The New York Times
The French government helped save HB-Henriot, the leading artisanal producer of faience — hand-painted glazed earthenware — and its 54 jobs.
By STEVEN ERLANGER
Published: March 7, 2010
Sign in to Recommend
Sign In to E-Mail
William Daniels for The New York Times
Shopping for HB-Henriot products in Quimper. The company was saved by a rescue package.
The New York Times
Quimper's success has made France look wise to many.
The salting of the River Odet has rendered local clay unusable, because the salt causes the earthenware to crack in the kilns. But the company remains, having absorbed a rival in 1968, as one of two faïenceries in the region, and holds a plaque from the government as an “enterprise du patrimoine vivant” — a company of the living heritage of France.
That designation brings HB-Henriot no money, said its director general, Michel Merle, and it has been hit hard by Asian competition, a weak dollar and the economic crisis in its main export markets in the United States and Japan.
Still, the French government stepped up early, helping to save the company and its 54 jobs, Mr. Merle said. Paris accelerated payments and tax reimbursements to small and medium-size companies; it deferred tax payments and accepted deductions immediately, auditing them later; it gave subsidies equal to almost a month’s salary per worker so firms could reduce labor costs and inventory without losing employees. And Paris provided some credit guarantees, so that shell-shocked banks were more willing to make loans to small companies like this one.
HB-Henriot is a prime example of how France is not only weathering the economic storm, but has emerged as one of the most stable economies in Europe, the first to pull out of recession and with unexpectedly large growth in the last quarter of 2009, while the German recovery stalled.
France moved early. It concentrated on saving companies and jobs, sometimes to the annoyance of its European Union partners; emphasized investment in job-creating infrastructure; propped up its banks and pressed them to lend; and decided to let its budget deficit expand further for a few years, but in moderation.
As Greece struggles to avoid default or bailout, Spain and Portugal watch anxiously, Sweden falls back into recession, Germany argues about historically high budget deficits and Britain grapples with deficits and debt of Greek proportions while France looks both solid and even wise.
But France was also lucky, neither as export-oriented as Germany nor as go-go as Britain and the United States. Alexandre Delaigue, an economist with a popular blog, éconoclaste, said simply: “France was hit less because its real estate was less important than Ireland and Spain, its finance less important than the U.K., and it was less exposed to Eastern Europe than Germany.”
France’s recession was not nearly as deep as Germany’s, let alone that of the United States. Growth for this year is forecast to be positive but modest at about 1.2 percent, about the same as in Germany, compared with 0.7 percent for Europe as a whole and with 2.2 percent in the United States. But French banks are in better condition than those in Germany, and France is far less dependent than Germany on finding markets for manufactured and luxury goods.
French policy is far from perfect, with unemployment increasing, especially among youth, along with the budget deficit and the already high national debt, issues that will outlast the crisis. The government now promises to cut growth in total public spending to less than 1 percent a year from 2011 and get the deficit to 3 percent of gross domestic product by 2013, although its growth forecasts seem too high and tax increases may be necessary, despite steady denials.
But in general the verdict is positive for President Nicolas Sarkozy and his government, which moved quickly to recognize a crisis and exercise state powers.
“France resisted the crisis better than most of her European partners and got out of recession first,” said Prime Minister François Fillon.
Mr. Fillon, Patrick Devedjian, the minister in charge of implementing the recovery plan, and Christine Lagarde, the minister of economic affairs, industry and employment, are given a lot of the credit.
In an interview, Ms. Lagarde said: “I think we’ve done relatively and reasonably well. We applied the three ‘t’s’: timely, temporary and targeted.” France decided to put half its package into investment and half into stimulus, she said, concentrating on small and medium enterprises, since they are “more agile” and represent 95 percent of the two million registered French companies.
A key decision, she said, was to accelerate state payments. “We swamped companies with cash, with whatever was due them, because we knew the cash and credit situations were difficult,” she said. Credit insurance was extended to exporters, a government agency guaranteed loans and shared them with banks, and the government created a sovereign fund to invest in companies.
Mr. Sarkozy created a “credit mediator” to intervene between companies and banks upon appeal and push the banks to reconsider, a process Ms. Lagarde said worked in 65 percent of cases, involving 16,000 companies and 150,000 jobs.
A year ago, he had announced a $34 billion stimulus plan over two years that propped up the car industry and went to infrastructure projects. Then in December, he announced a $52 billion investment package, called “the Big Loan,” supposedly aimed at the future, to put money into universities, renewable energy and electric cars. More than 60 percent of the money will be borrowed by the government, and the rest is supposed to come from bank repayments of capital the state pushed on them a year ago.
Jacques Mistral, an economist at the French Institute for International Relations, said that “what Sarkozy did for the recovery has been pretty well designed and managed — he had a good early view of the seriousness of the crisis, earlier than most of his counterparts.” Mr. Sarkozy was quick with a stimulus package, but modest with it, too, given the already large French debt.
But for some critics, the French success is hardly surprising, and has more to do with the structure of the economy than with government policy. The size of the state sector — the sheer number of state employees, protected in their jobs and salaries — went some way to cushion the recession and keep up consumption. About a quarter of the labor force works for government, and more than half of gross domestic product is due to stems from state spending, including pensions and health care.
The main reason France did well was that its economy was “neither virtuous nor vicious,” said Daniel Cohen, professor of economics at the École Normale Supérieure. France was never as virtuous as Germany with its competitive, export-driven economy, which suffered badly when consumption dropped worldwide. In fact, France has long been losing market share in world trade.
“France was not dependent on a bubble of credit like the British or on a bubble of housing like the Spanish or on both of them together, like the Americans,” Mr. Cohen said. “So we suffered less than the others.”
Economists worry about cumulative French debt, nearing $2 trillion, and rising fast as a percentage of gross domestic product. G.D.P. It has gone from 22 percent of G.D.P. in 1981, when François Mitterrand took power, to 63.8 percent in 2007, when Mr. Sarkozy took over. Insee, the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies, projects it could reach 81.5 percent in 2012.
But what really sets France apart is the size of its high debt combined with high levels of public spending, with the government deficit in 2010 expected to be 8.2 percent of G.D.P. Mr. Delaigue says that given the crisis, “it would be suicidal now to try to balance the budget. For the time being, there is no other way than debt.”
But the economists point out that both Mr. Sarkozy and his predecessor, Jacques Chirac, men of the right, have for years been cutting taxes while increasing government spending, which is why the budget deficit rose so quickly, even before the crisis.
The stimulus program is only a small part of the projected budget deficit, Mr. Cohen said. Nearly half represents structural deficit, given tax cuts and increased social spending on an aging population, with a generous pension system that Mr. Sarkozy and Mr. Fillon say must be reformed. Over the last 10 years, income from taxes has fallen $80 billion a year, representing a third of next year’s deficit.
“After the crisis there will have to be a moment of truth on how much structural deficit you can live with,” Mr. Cohen said. “The government is saying, ‘No tax increase,’ but how long will this last?”
As for HB-Henriot, with a new owner and new American distributor, it is trying to raise exports from 10 percent of its business to 30 percent, through ties to specialty stores like Pierre Deux.
“We’re an artisanal product in a niche market,” said Mr. Merle, the director general. “We try to develop a market of the ‘coup de coeur,’ where the heart speaks before the wallet.”
But the company will only survive if exports reach 50 percent of sales, he said. So its representatives are traveling to trade fairs in the United States, with French government advice and aid for travel, and it is also exploring collaboration with larger chains with online catalogs, like Williams-Sonoma in the United States.
“You have to go and get your clients,” Mr. Merle said. “It’s necessary to be there, to occupy the terrain.”
Otherwise despite all the state aid, and all the rhetoric about national identity and patrimony from French politicians, HB-Henriot too, like the auto companies, will have to consider outsourcing French jobs to compete with cheap Asian imports.
Nadim Audi contributed reporting.
lundi 8 mars 2010
The New York Times
Quimper's success has made France look wise to many.
The salting of the River Odet has rendered local clay unusable, because the salt causes the earthenware to crack in the kilns. But the company remains, having absorbed a rival in 1968, as one of two faïenceries in the region, and holds a plaque from the government as an “enterprise du patrimoine vivant” — a company of the living heritage of France.
That designation brings HB-Henriot no money, said its director general, Michel Merle, and it has been hit hard by Asian competition, a weak dollar and the economic crisis in its main export markets in the United States and Japan.
Still, the French government stepped up early, helping to save the company and its 54 jobs, Mr. Merle said. Paris accelerated payments and tax reimbursements to small and medium-size companies; it deferred tax payments and accepted deductions immediately, auditing them later; it gave subsidies equal to almost a month’s salary per worker so firms could reduce labor costs and inventory without losing employees. And Paris provided some credit guarantees, so that shell-shocked banks were more willing to make loans to small companies like this one.
HB-Henriot is a prime example of how France is not only weathering the economic storm, but has emerged as one of the most stable economies in Europe, the first to pull out of recession and with unexpectedly large growth in the last quarter of 2009, while the German recovery stalled.
France moved early. It concentrated on saving companies and jobs, sometimes to the annoyance of its European Union partners; emphasized investment in job-creating infrastructure; propped up its banks and pressed them to lend; and decided to let its budget deficit expand further for a few years, but in moderation.
As Greece struggles to avoid default or bailout, Spain and Portugal watch anxiously, Sweden falls back into recession, Germany argues about historically high budget deficits and Britain grapples with deficits and debt of Greek proportions while France looks both solid and even wise.
But France was also lucky, neither as export-oriented as Germany nor as go-go as Britain and the United States. Alexandre Delaigue, an economist with a popular blog, éconoclaste, said simply: “France was hit less because its real estate was less important than Ireland and Spain, its finance less important than the U.K., and it was less exposed to Eastern Europe than Germany.”
France’s recession was not nearly as deep as Germany’s, let alone that of the United States. Growth for this year is forecast to be positive but modest at about 1.2 percent, about the same as in Germany, compared with 0.7 percent for Europe as a whole and with 2.2 percent in the United States. But French banks are in better condition than those in Germany, and France is far less dependent than Germany on finding markets for manufactured and luxury goods.
French policy is far from perfect, with unemployment increasing, especially among youth, along with the budget deficit and the already high national debt, issues that will outlast the crisis. The government now promises to cut growth in total public spending to less than 1 percent a year from 2011 and get the deficit to 3 percent of gross domestic product by 2013, although its growth forecasts seem too high and tax increases may be necessary, despite steady denials.
But in general the verdict is positive for President Nicolas Sarkozy and his government, which moved quickly to recognize a crisis and exercise state powers.
“France resisted the crisis better than most of her European partners and got out of recession first,” said Prime Minister François Fillon.
Mr. Fillon, Patrick Devedjian, the minister in charge of implementing the recovery plan, and Christine Lagarde, the minister of economic affairs, industry and employment, are given a lot of the credit.
In an interview, Ms. Lagarde said: “I think we’ve done relatively and reasonably well. We applied the three ‘t’s’: timely, temporary and targeted.” France decided to put half its package into investment and half into stimulus, she said, concentrating on small and medium enterprises, since they are “more agile” and represent 95 percent of the two million registered French companies.
A key decision, she said, was to accelerate state payments. “We swamped companies with cash, with whatever was due them, because we knew the cash and credit situations were difficult,” she said. Credit insurance was extended to exporters, a government agency guaranteed loans and shared them with banks, and the government created a sovereign fund to invest in companies.
Mr. Sarkozy created a “credit mediator” to intervene between companies and banks upon appeal and push the banks to reconsider, a process Ms. Lagarde said worked in 65 percent of cases, involving 16,000 companies and 150,000 jobs.
A year ago, he had announced a $34 billion stimulus plan over two years that propped up the car industry and went to infrastructure projects. Then in December, he announced a $52 billion investment package, called “the Big Loan,” supposedly aimed at the future, to put money into universities, renewable energy and electric cars. More than 60 percent of the money will be borrowed by the government, and the rest is supposed to come from bank repayments of capital the state pushed on them a year ago.
Jacques Mistral, an economist at the French Institute for International Relations, said that “what Sarkozy did for the recovery has been pretty well designed and managed — he had a good early view of the seriousness of the crisis, earlier than most of his counterparts.” Mr. Sarkozy was quick with a stimulus package, but modest with it, too, given the already large French debt.
But for some critics, the French success is hardly surprising, and has more to do with the structure of the economy than with government policy. The size of the state sector — the sheer number of state employees, protected in their jobs and salaries — went some way to cushion the recession and keep up consumption. About a quarter of the labor force works for government, and more than half of gross domestic product is due to stems from state spending, including pensions and health care.
The main reason France did well was that its economy was “neither virtuous nor vicious,” said Daniel Cohen, professor of economics at the École Normale Supérieure. France was never as virtuous as Germany with its competitive, export-driven economy, which suffered badly when consumption dropped worldwide. In fact, France has long been losing market share in world trade.
“France was not dependent on a bubble of credit like the British or on a bubble of housing like the Spanish or on both of them together, like the Americans,” Mr. Cohen said. “So we suffered less than the others.”
Economists worry about cumulative French debt, nearing $2 trillion, and rising fast as a percentage of gross domestic product. G.D.P. It has gone from 22 percent of G.D.P. in 1981, when François Mitterrand took power, to 63.8 percent in 2007, when Mr. Sarkozy took over. Insee, the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies, projects it could reach 81.5 percent in 2012.
But what really sets France apart is the size of its high debt combined with high levels of public spending, with the government deficit in 2010 expected to be 8.2 percent of G.D.P. Mr. Delaigue says that given the crisis, “it would be suicidal now to try to balance the budget. For the time being, there is no other way than debt.”
But the economists point out that both Mr. Sarkozy and his predecessor, Jacques Chirac, men of the right, have for years been cutting taxes while increasing government spending, which is why the budget deficit rose so quickly, even before the crisis.
The stimulus program is only a small part of the projected budget deficit, Mr. Cohen said. Nearly half represents structural deficit, given tax cuts and increased social spending on an aging population, with a generous pension system that Mr. Sarkozy and Mr. Fillon say must be reformed. Over the last 10 years, income from taxes has fallen $80 billion a year, representing a third of next year’s deficit.
“After the crisis there will have to be a moment of truth on how much structural deficit you can live with,” Mr. Cohen said. “The government is saying, ‘No tax increase,’ but how long will this last?”
As for HB-Henriot, with a new owner and new American distributor, it is trying to raise exports from 10 percent of its business to 30 percent, through ties to specialty stores like Pierre Deux.
“We’re an artisanal product in a niche market,” said Mr. Merle, the director general. “We try to develop a market of the ‘coup de coeur,’ where the heart speaks before the wallet.”
But the company will only survive if exports reach 50 percent of sales, he said. So its representatives are traveling to trade fairs in the United States, with French government advice and aid for travel, and it is also exploring collaboration with larger chains with online catalogs, like Williams-Sonoma in the United States.
“You have to go and get your clients,” Mr. Merle said. “It’s necessary to be there, to occupy the terrain.”
Otherwise despite all the state aid, and all the rhetoric about national identity and patrimony from French politicians, HB-Henriot too, like the auto companies, will have to consider outsourcing French jobs to compete with cheap Asian imports.
Nadim Audi contributed reporting.
A version of this article appeared in print on March 8, 2010, on page A4 of the New York edition.
Quimper's success has made France look wise to many.
The salting of the River Odet has rendered local clay unusable, because the salt causes the earthenware to crack in the kilns. But the company remains, having absorbed a rival in 1968, as one of two faïenceries in the region, and holds a plaque from the government as an “enterprise du patrimoine vivant” — a company of the living heritage of France.
That designation brings HB-Henriot no money, said its director general, Michel Merle, and it has been hit hard by Asian competition, a weak dollar and the economic crisis in its main export markets in the United States and Japan.
Still, the French government stepped up early, helping to save the company and its 54 jobs, Mr. Merle said. Paris accelerated payments and tax reimbursements to small and medium-size companies; it deferred tax payments and accepted deductions immediately, auditing them later; it gave subsidies equal to almost a month’s salary per worker so firms could reduce labor costs and inventory without losing employees. And Paris provided some credit guarantees, so that shell-shocked banks were more willing to make loans to small companies like this one.
HB-Henriot is a prime example of how France is not only weathering the economic storm, but has emerged as one of the most stable economies in Europe, the first to pull out of recession and with unexpectedly large growth in the last quarter of 2009, while the German recovery stalled.
France moved early. It concentrated on saving companies and jobs, sometimes to the annoyance of its European Union partners; emphasized investment in job-creating infrastructure; propped up its banks and pressed them to lend; and decided to let its budget deficit expand further for a few years, but in moderation.
As Greece struggles to avoid default or bailout, Spain and Portugal watch anxiously, Sweden falls back into recession, Germany argues about historically high budget deficits and Britain grapples with deficits and debt of Greek proportions while France looks both solid and even wise.
But France was also lucky, neither as export-oriented as Germany nor as go-go as Britain and the United States. Alexandre Delaigue, an economist with a popular blog, éconoclaste, said simply: “France was hit less because its real estate was less important than Ireland and Spain, its finance less important than the U.K., and it was less exposed to Eastern Europe than Germany.”
France’s recession was not nearly as deep as Germany’s, let alone that of the United States. Growth for this year is forecast to be positive but modest at about 1.2 percent, about the same as in Germany, compared with 0.7 percent for Europe as a whole and with 2.2 percent in the United States. But French banks are in better condition than those in Germany, and France is far less dependent than Germany on finding markets for manufactured and luxury goods.
French policy is far from perfect, with unemployment increasing, especially among youth, along with the budget deficit and the already high national debt, issues that will outlast the crisis. The government now promises to cut growth in total public spending to less than 1 percent a year from 2011 and get the deficit to 3 percent of gross domestic product by 2013, although its growth forecasts seem too high and tax increases may be necessary, despite steady denials.
But in general the verdict is positive for President Nicolas Sarkozy and his government, which moved quickly to recognize a crisis and exercise state powers.
“France resisted the crisis better than most of her European partners and got out of recession first,” said Prime Minister François Fillon.
Mr. Fillon, Patrick Devedjian, the minister in charge of implementing the recovery plan, and Christine Lagarde, the minister of economic affairs, industry and employment, are given a lot of the credit.
In an interview, Ms. Lagarde said: “I think we’ve done relatively and reasonably well. We applied the three ‘t’s’: timely, temporary and targeted.” France decided to put half its package into investment and half into stimulus, she said, concentrating on small and medium enterprises, since they are “more agile” and represent 95 percent of the two million registered French companies.
A key decision, she said, was to accelerate state payments. “We swamped companies with cash, with whatever was due them, because we knew the cash and credit situations were difficult,” she said. Credit insurance was extended to exporters, a government agency guaranteed loans and shared them with banks, and the government created a sovereign fund to invest in companies.
Mr. Sarkozy created a “credit mediator” to intervene between companies and banks upon appeal and push the banks to reconsider, a process Ms. Lagarde said worked in 65 percent of cases, involving 16,000 companies and 150,000 jobs.
A year ago, he had announced a $34 billion stimulus plan over two years that propped up the car industry and went to infrastructure projects. Then in December, he announced a $52 billion investment package, called “the Big Loan,” supposedly aimed at the future, to put money into universities, renewable energy and electric cars. More than 60 percent of the money will be borrowed by the government, and the rest is supposed to come from bank repayments of capital the state pushed on them a year ago.
Jacques Mistral, an economist at the French Institute for International Relations, said that “what Sarkozy did for the recovery has been pretty well designed and managed — he had a good early view of the seriousness of the crisis, earlier than most of his counterparts.” Mr. Sarkozy was quick with a stimulus package, but modest with it, too, given the already large French debt.
But for some critics, the French success is hardly surprising, and has more to do with the structure of the economy than with government policy. The size of the state sector — the sheer number of state employees, protected in their jobs and salaries — went some way to cushion the recession and keep up consumption. About a quarter of the labor force works for government, and more than half of gross domestic product is due to stems from state spending, including pensions and health care.
The main reason France did well was that its economy was “neither virtuous nor vicious,” said Daniel Cohen, professor of economics at the École Normale Supérieure. France was never as virtuous as Germany with its competitive, export-driven economy, which suffered badly when consumption dropped worldwide. In fact, France has long been losing market share in world trade.
“France was not dependent on a bubble of credit like the British or on a bubble of housing like the Spanish or on both of them together, like the Americans,” Mr. Cohen said. “So we suffered less than the others.”
Economists worry about cumulative French debt, nearing $2 trillion, and rising fast as a percentage of gross domestic product. G.D.P. It has gone from 22 percent of G.D.P. in 1981, when François Mitterrand took power, to 63.8 percent in 2007, when Mr. Sarkozy took over. Insee, the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies, projects it could reach 81.5 percent in 2012.
But what really sets France apart is the size of its high debt combined with high levels of public spending, with the government deficit in 2010 expected to be 8.2 percent of G.D.P. Mr. Delaigue says that given the crisis, “it would be suicidal now to try to balance the budget. For the time being, there is no other way than debt.”
But the economists point out that both Mr. Sarkozy and his predecessor, Jacques Chirac, men of the right, have for years been cutting taxes while increasing government spending, which is why the budget deficit rose so quickly, even before the crisis.
The stimulus program is only a small part of the projected budget deficit, Mr. Cohen said. Nearly half represents structural deficit, given tax cuts and increased social spending on an aging population, with a generous pension system that Mr. Sarkozy and Mr. Fillon say must be reformed. Over the last 10 years, income from taxes has fallen $80 billion a year, representing a third of next year’s deficit.
“After the crisis there will have to be a moment of truth on how much structural deficit you can live with,” Mr. Cohen said. “The government is saying, ‘No tax increase,’ but how long will this last?”
As for HB-Henriot, with a new owner and new American distributor, it is trying to raise exports from 10 percent of its business to 30 percent, through ties to specialty stores like Pierre Deux.
“We’re an artisanal product in a niche market,” said Mr. Merle, the director general. “We try to develop a market of the ‘coup de coeur,’ where the heart speaks before the wallet.”
But the company will only survive if exports reach 50 percent of sales, he said. So its representatives are traveling to trade fairs in the United States, with French government advice and aid for travel, and it is also exploring collaboration with larger chains with online catalogs, like Williams-Sonoma in the United States.
“You have to go and get your clients,” Mr. Merle said. “It’s necessary to be there, to occupy the terrain.”
Otherwise despite all the state aid, and all the rhetoric about national identity and patrimony from French politicians, HB-Henriot too, like the auto companies, will have to consider outsourcing French jobs to compete with cheap Asian imports.
Nadim Audi contributed reporting.
A version of this article appeared in print on March 8, 2010, on page A4 of the New York edition.
mercredi 24 février 2010
Kristian Troadeg e Kemperle Digwener 18 a viz C'hwevrer hag e Loudieg Disadorn
Kristian Troadeg e Kemperle Digwener 18 a viz C'hwevrer hag e Loudieg Disadorn
Kristian Troadeg, maer Karaez (tu kleiz), penn al listenn "Ni ho savo Breizh" da geñver an dilennadegoù rannvro, a gejo gant an dud e marc'had Kemperle Digwener diouzh ar mintin. Gantañ e vo maer Kemperle, Alain Penneg, ha danvez-dilennidi all.
Disadorn diouzh ar mintin e vo tro marc'had Loudieg, asambles gant skipailh danvez-dilennidi Aodoù-an-Arvor.
Kristian Troadeg a bed an holl re a zo dedennet gant o frogramm da vont e darempred ganto ha da dabutal diwar-benn temoù kevredigezh a-bouez. Chalet eo Kristian Troadeg dreist-holl gant kresk an dilabour e Penn-ar-Bed : 23 % ouzhpenn e-pad ur bloavezh ! Kinnig a ra krouidigezh un amprestenn veur breizhat evit adlañs ekonomiezh Breizh ha lakaat an embregerezhioù bihan ha krenn, a grou postoù-labour, da gaout ur youl nevez.
Kristian Troadeg, maer Karaez (tu kleiz), penn al listenn "Ni ho savo Breizh" da geñver an dilennadegoù rannvro, a gejo gant an dud e marc'had Kemperle Digwener diouzh ar mintin. Gantañ e vo maer Kemperle, Alain Penneg, ha danvez-dilennidi all.
Disadorn diouzh ar mintin e vo tro marc'had Loudieg, asambles gant skipailh danvez-dilennidi Aodoù-an-Arvor.
Kristian Troadeg a bed an holl re a zo dedennet gant o frogramm da vont e darempred ganto ha da dabutal diwar-benn temoù kevredigezh a-bouez. Chalet eo Kristian Troadeg dreist-holl gant kresk an dilabour e Penn-ar-Bed : 23 % ouzhpenn e-pad ur bloavezh ! Kinnig a ra krouidigezh un amprestenn veur breizhat evit adlañs ekonomiezh Breizh ha lakaat an embregerezhioù bihan ha krenn, a grou postoù-labour, da gaout ur youl nevez.
Ni ho savo Breiz
An Aotrou Bechu (UMP) a ra komisionoù
A-drugarez d'al listenn "Ni ho savo Breizh" emañ kudenn adaozañ an tiriadoù e-kreiz an dilennadegoù-rannvro bremañ. An holl listennoù a ranko reiñ o soñj diwar-benn an afer-se.
Respont a reomp da zanvez-dilennad an UMP n'hon eus ket c'hoant kaout ur ped komision warn-ugent a vo laouen o tagañ kudenn adunanidigezh Breizh. Gwell e vefe deomp e respontje a-benn ar fin d'ar c'hinnig lavaret meur a wezh krouiñ 4 rannvro greñv e-lec'h 6 rannvro wan e Kornôg Bro-C'hall, gant Breizh hag an Normandi adunanet, ur rannvro Vañde-Poitou-Charentes, hag unan evit Traoñienn al Liger, a bodfe Añjev, Tours ha Le Mans.
Setu perak eo bet dibabet gant "Ni ho savo Breizh", kaset da benn gant Kristian Troadeg ha Jacky Flippot, kinnig an hevelep programm e Rannvro Breizh hag el Liger-Atlantel, oc'h ober foei war an dispartioù melestradurel bountet gant Pariz. Ur programm ma c'hello an holl Vretonezed ha Vretoned ar pemp departamant diorroiñ heson o ziriadoù gantañ.
Ar gomision nemeti omp dedennet ganti eo Komision Europa, a rento justis deomp en ur c'houlenn - gant harp Parlamant Europa - da Vro-C'hall ma vo doujet da volontez ar Vretoned.
Evit "Ni ho savo Breizh"
Jacky Flippot Penn listenn al Liger-Atlantel
Darempred : 06 81 36 67 43
A-drugarez d'al listenn "Ni ho savo Breizh" emañ kudenn adaozañ an tiriadoù e-kreiz an dilennadegoù-rannvro bremañ. An holl listennoù a ranko reiñ o soñj diwar-benn an afer-se.
Respont a reomp da zanvez-dilennad an UMP n'hon eus ket c'hoant kaout ur ped komision warn-ugent a vo laouen o tagañ kudenn adunanidigezh Breizh. Gwell e vefe deomp e respontje a-benn ar fin d'ar c'hinnig lavaret meur a wezh krouiñ 4 rannvro greñv e-lec'h 6 rannvro wan e Kornôg Bro-C'hall, gant Breizh hag an Normandi adunanet, ur rannvro Vañde-Poitou-Charentes, hag unan evit Traoñienn al Liger, a bodfe Añjev, Tours ha Le Mans.
Setu perak eo bet dibabet gant "Ni ho savo Breizh", kaset da benn gant Kristian Troadeg ha Jacky Flippot, kinnig an hevelep programm e Rannvro Breizh hag el Liger-Atlantel, oc'h ober foei war an dispartioù melestradurel bountet gant Pariz. Ur programm ma c'hello an holl Vretonezed ha Vretoned ar pemp departamant diorroiñ heson o ziriadoù gantañ.
Ar gomision nemeti omp dedennet ganti eo Komision Europa, a rento justis deomp en ur c'houlenn - gant harp Parlamant Europa - da Vro-C'hall ma vo doujet da volontez ar Vretoned.
Evit "Ni ho savo Breizh"
Jacky Flippot Penn listenn al Liger-Atlantel
Darempred : 06 81 36 67 43
mardi 13 octobre 2009
Ampoezonet eo ar gwenan hag hor bro
Ampoezonet eo ar gwenan hag hor bro
José Nadan, piv oc’h ?
War ar vicher GWENANER ‘maon abaoe 1984 (naontek kant pevar ha pevar-ugent) ha gwech ebet n’eo bet ken fall an traoù. Savet e oa bet ganin mirdi ar gwenan er Faoued, bremañ on gwenaner nemetken, bez ‘meus bet graet chouchenn, bara-mel, propolis… Kroget e oan ha ne ouien ket kalz tra war ar sevel gwenan hag e teuen brav a-benn. Ha bremañ tapet skiant ganin eo fallaet an traoù evel gant kalz re all. Etre ar bloavezh 1994 ha 2004 eo nebeutaet ar wenanerien eus 15.000.
Prezidant sindikad ar wenanerien oc’h : petra a gasit war-raok gant ar sindikad-se ?
Da gentañ, ar sindikad zo ul lec’h darempred evid ar wenanerien a-vicher e Breizh. Pep hini ‘barzh e ferm n’eus kudennoù evid derc’hel bev e RUSKENNOU, gwashoc’h gwashañ abaoe un nebeud bloavezhioù. N’eo ket posubl chom e-unan ken, daw eo kaozeal gant ar re all, evit klask un diskoulm, ma zo un’. Tud deus ar sindikad ’ya ivez da Bariz, evid an emvodoù bras kaset en-dro gant ar pennoù bras, evid ma yefe gwelloc’h an traoù evit ar gwenan. A- bouez eo deomp moned betek Paris, kar kalz tud du-se (e-giz an FNSEA, CDJA, marc’hadourien louzeier…) ‘zo prest da gaozeal e plas ar wenanerien, ha da lâret deomp petra e vefe mad evidomp!
‘blam betra e varv ar gwenan ?
Evid tud zo, dreist- holl ar re zo tost deus an «agrochimie», ar c’hleñvejoù a zo kaoz ma varv ar gwenan. Lâret ‘vez ivez gante alies : ne vez ket graet labour vat gant ar wenanerien… Faot ‘ket de’ kaozeal deus al louzeier ‘vez lakaet war ar parkeier. N’omp ket a-du tamm’bet gant se, marteze ne labouromp ket gwall vad hiriw, med 20 pe 30 vloaz zo, oa kalz gwelloc’h mel gant ar wenanerien… ‘gozig hep digoriñ o ruskennoù.
Gwashaet eo an traoù-se dibaoe war dro 10 vloaz’zo, dibaoe m’eo degouezhet er vro produioù «systémiques», «neurotoxiques» e-giz Gaucho pe Regent, ha Cruiser bremañ. Al louzeier-mañ a zo fall-tre evit ar gwenan.
Gant an industri chimik e vez implijet molekulennoù kalz kreñvoc’h evit a-raok. Evid ar Cruiser ne vez ket implijet nemed 60gr/ha, soñjit pegen krenv eo !
AR GWISKAD louzoù a vez lakaet war-dro ur c’hreunenn maïs a zo ennañ 0,63 miligramm thiaméthoxam. Soñjit ‘ta ! Tra walc’h eo deoc’h taol ur c’hreunenn maïs ‘barzh ur guvenn 5.000 litrad dour hag e vo KONTAMMET an dour eus 0.126mg : ouzhpenn ar pezh a zo aotreet gant Europa ! 10.000 c’hreunenn a vez hadet war daou zevezh- arat douar : mod pe vod e tigouezh an ampoezon-se betek AR C’HROG en ho kuzun ! Barzh ar blantenn e sav AR POEZON evel-just ! Ar gwenan hag an amprevaned «pollenisateurs
Arc’hant a zo da c’hounez ‘michañs ?
Ya, evel-just ! Dañjerus-bras eo al louzoù impli’et ha goût a ra ar stalioù chimik kement-se, met derc’hel a reer da vont ! Brudañ ar ra An FDSEA ha kazetennoù ‘giz le Paysan Breton, PERZHIOU ar Cruiser, al louzoù a vez paket AN HAD ennañ. Ober a ra ar c’hooperativoù kemend-all. O tifenn ar industri chimik emaint hag ar varc’hadourien had. ‘Maint ket o tifenn ar beizanted ! Ar Cruiser er bloaz-mañ war ar maïs, hag an imidaclopride (ar volekulenn a zo ‘barzh ar gaucho) vez impli’et muioc’h mui, da louzaouiñ an heiz, an ed, ar betarabez hag ar gwez a daol frouezh. E Bro Itali, e Bro Slovaki eo bet difennet al louzoù kreñv (Gaucho, Cruiser, Poncho, Régent) goude ma oa marvet ur bern gwenan. Ha diwar ur studi bet graet gant skol-veur Padoue n’eo ket sur eo gwelloc’h FONN ar maïs goude ma eo paket gant ur «pesticide» bennak. Amañ ‘vez dalc’het d’ober !
Ha koulskoude ‘vez klasket labourat war an ekologiezh ?
Ya,’keit-se ‘mañ ar c’huzul rannvro o lakaat milionoù euro evit ar program «Bretagne eau pure» (Breizh dour glann). Arc’hant a lak ivez ar rannvro vit al labour-douar DOUJUS deus AN ENDRO.
Petra emaoc’h o klask bremañ ?
Bihan eo hon nerzh deomp ‘barzh hon sindikat. Kreñv eo ar re zo ‘fas deomp ! Med kreñv HON C’HOUSTIANS. Hag un dra all zo bremañ, ‘mañ an dud A-DU ganeomp. Ezhomm ‘meump sikour da zisplegañ an traoù d’an dud ha da stourm deus paotred an agrochimi hag ar re a zifenn anezho !
Gerioù diaes :
Gwenaner : apiculteur (gwenan : abeilles).
Ruskennoù : des ruches (goloennoù).
Ur gwiskad : une couche.
Kontammet : contaminé.
Ur c’hrog : un robinet.
Ar poezon : le poison.
Perzhioù : les qualités.
An had : la semence.
Difennet : interdit.
Fonn : rendement.
Doujus eus an endro : respectueux de l’environement.
Hon c’houstiañs : notre conscience.
Difenn ar Post !
Ha goût a rit pegement a dud a zo o labourat ‘barzh ar Post ? 295.742 a dud zo hag ouzhpenn 11.300 ti-post a-dreuz Bro Frañs. Ar wech kentañ eo, o defe an dud digarez da votiñ evit ur servij publik e Bro Frañs. Sañset ‘noa c’hoant Sarkozy roiñ an tu d’AR BOBLAÑS da lakaat war-sav ur referendum, setu tapet ar paotr ‘barzh E DRAP ! Soñjal a rae d’ar re oa bet aozet ar «
Ar boblañs : la population.
E drap : son piège (trap = piège).
Difennerien : défenseurs.
Merañ : gérer.
Kannaded : des messagers, des émissaires, députés.
Taget : attaqué.
Ur marc’heger : un chevalier.
Divizet : décidé.
Founnusoc’h-founnusañ : de plus en plus vite.
DEOMP WAR-RAOK !
aLLONS DE L’AVANT
Il existe beaucoup de petits mots qui sont très utilisés et donc utiles dans toute conversation : allons aujourd’hui à la rencontre du mot tamm et en voir quelques utilisations.
Tamm ha tamm : petit à petit.
Tamm pe damm : plus ou moins.
Un tamm bihan : un petit peu.
Tamm ebet : pas du tout.
Un tamm kig : un morceau de viande.
Ro un tamm boued d’ar c’hi : donne un peu à manger au chien.
Un tamm mat a dud a oa / tud oa un tamm mat : il y avait beaucoup de monde.
Deoc’h c’hwi bremañ
Chercher parmi les exemples précédents ceux qui conviennent pour donner un sens aux phrases suivantes et répétez les à haute voix.
1/ Goût a ran …………….. brezhoneg.
2/ Ne oar…………………..da belec’h eo aet e gi da redek.
3/ ………………..arc’hant ‘noa bet ar vugale gant o zud-kozh.
4/ Avaloù zo er bloaz,…………………….....
5/ Berraat ‘ra an deiz…….....
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